Sixteenth-century Pashas of Buda

It is difficult to come across a list of the Pashas of Buda, and I have yet to find one in English. Below you will find a list of the Pashas of Buda during the sixteenth century.¹ Frequent changes in power were necessitated by political instability, assassinations, and a need for military prowess. As you will see, many Pashas served multiple times.

1. Suleyman Pasha – 1542

2. Little Ali Pasha – 1542-1543

3. Yahya Pashazade Mehmed Pasha – 1543-1548

4. Kasim Pasha – 1548-1551, 1557-1558

5. Hadim Ali Pasha – 1551, 1556-1557

6. Toygun Pasha – 1553, 1558-1559

7. Haci Muhammad Pasha – 1557

8. Güzelce Rüstem Pasha – 1559-1563

9. Zal Mahmud Pasha – 1563-1564

10. Iskender Pasha – 1564-1565

11. Arslan Pasha – 1565-1566

12. Sokollu Mustafa Pasha – 1566-1578

13. Kara Oveys Pasha – 1578-1580

14. Kalaylikoz Ali Pasha – 1580-1583, 1586-1587

15. Frenk (Hassan) Jusuf Pasha – 1583-1586, 1587-1588

16. Ferhad Pasha – 1588-1590

17. Sufi Sinan Pasha – 1590-1592, 1595

18. Muhammed Son of Sinan Pasha – 1592-1593, 1594-1595

19. Hasan Son of Muhammed Pasha – 1593-1594

20. Mihaliclu Ahmed Pasha – 1595, 1596, 1597-1598

21. Ali Pasha 1596-1597

22. Div Suleyman Pasha 1598-1599

23. Lala Mehmed Pasha 1599-1600

1For the earliest iteration of this list see Gévay, Antal. A Budai Pasák. Vienna: Strauss, 1841 (available on Google Books for free).

In the name of St. George: Fifteenth-century Bone Saddles

The following post derives from my undergraduate honors thesis on a group of bone horse saddles from the fifteenth century carved with scenes of courtly love, knights, and dragons. While it may fit best under the heading of "Medieval," the project was formative for my current interest in Arms and Armor.   My paper suggested that the defined group of objects, traditionally associated with Kings Sigismund of Hungary and his Order of the Dragon, were actually just the surviving relics of a literary based fashion trend, of which a portion were decorated with iconography relating to Saint George and protection from an “other.”  The purpose of this post is to introduce the saddles and to briefly explore the meaning and significance of Saint George in the iconography. 

Jankovich Saddle
Budapest, Hungarian National Museum (55.3119) 

"Help, o Lord! May God help in the name of St. George. Help, St. George."[1]

These words decorate the bone panels of a saddle belonging to a group of exceptional works embedded within the spectacle of late medieval European court cultures of display. A list of twenty-one such saddles first presented by Julius von Schlosser in 1894 has since been added to by a handful of scholars.[2] Most recently, twenty-eight saddles listed by Mária Verő in 2006 appeared in the catalog of an exhibit on the court and patronage of Sigismund von Luxembourg.[3] While ten examples of these prunksattel currently reside in the United States and England, no significant studies appear on them in English.

The ivory saddle itself appears as an iconographical motif in French and English literature dating back to the twelfth century. Bone saddles are pesented as proof of wealth and royalty in Chrétien de Troyes' tale of Aeneas and Dido, Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, and the ballad of Thomas of Ercildoune.[4] In an analysis of fictive Gothic ivories in medieval romances, Jean Campbell suggests that the bone saddle mentioned in the tale of Aeneas was a product of the poet's mind, and that "through a combination of literary convention and poetic imagination, such glittering objects took on a life of their own in the pages or medieval romance.”[5] Since the surviving saddles all date from the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, it is likely that the literary saddles were inspirations for the group that exists today. Whether or not the saddles from the twelfth century existed, fifteenth century nobility wanted to emulate the wealth and grandeur of legendary figures they read about in their preciously illuminated and illustrated manuscripts.

Tratzburg SaddleMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York acc# 04.3.249

The number of known extant saddles currently stands at twenty-nine.[6] They are dispersed in museums around the world, including the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, the Bargello of Florence, the Wallace Collection of London, and the Hungarian National Museum of Budapest. The saddles are composed of wooden frames covered first in a layer of birch bark, then raw hide and finally fastened with plates of ivory. Based on closer examinations of the surfaces, particularly the marks left by the tools used in carving, recent scholars determined that the saddles are carved from plates of stag horn, a stronger material better suited for riding.[7] Because of the traces of paint and evidence of gilt details, some scholars hypothesize that the saddles were too ornate for use, and were merely acquired for their value. However, the wear on the carvings and paint seems to prove otherwise. They were most likely used, albeit sparingly, during victory parades and ceremonial events. While the total list stands at twenty-nine objects, a handful are of questionable authenticity and suffer from severe and sometimes total damage to their pictorial programs. [8] Other than their materials, shapes, and dates, the remaining saddles share many iconographical motifs which will be briefly explored below.

Saint George and the Dragon detail, Kormend Saddle
Boston, Museum of Fine Arts (69.944) 

Represented in various forms battling various figures, the dragon appears on fifteen of the saddles over thirty times. [9] Extremely popular motifs in the middle ages, partially due to their frequent mention in Latin and vernacular Bibles, dragons are attributes of pagan lands and deserts. The dragon symbolizes moral and religious deviance and is a danger to humans in both the material world and the spiritual world.[10] The saddles show the creatures crouching into small spaces, spitting fire bolts, and struggling with humans. Although their general popularity may account for their presence, the numerous references to the legend of Saint George and seem to offer a closer connection with the cult of the saint.

The legend of Saint George and the dragon makes its first appearance in Jacobus Voragine’s Golden Legend. George, a Christian knight, was deployed to a city on the outskirts of the empire. Upon arrival, he discovered that the town was under siege from a “plague bearing dragon” that lurked in the local pond. Just as the king’s daughter was about to step into the lake to be sacrificed, George rode in on his horse and gravely wounded the dragon. After tying the dragon’s mouth shut, he made the princess walk it into the city where he proclaimed that the only way he would kill the dragon was if all twenty-thousand men were baptized and renounced their pagan ways in favor of Christianity. Once this mass-conversion took place, Saint George, standing next to the animal, struck it again and killed it, clearly a metaphor for having struck and killed the society’s pagan ways.[11]

Saint George and the Dragon detail, Rhédey SaddleBudapest, Hungarian National Museum (55.3118) 

The identification of the knights on the saddles as Saint George is made easy by inscriptions, details in clothing, and the presence of other figures from the tale, such as the kneeling and praying princess. The reason for and meaning of his presence is slightly more complex.[12] The chosen methods of depiction offer some clues as to his prominence. The images of the Saint are divided into two groups; the Saint on horse wounding the dragon, and the Saint on foot, post- mass conversion, killing the dragon. Four depict the saint on horseback, spear in left hand and sword in the right, in the process of attacking the dragon.[13] Two of these saddles are of questionable authenticity, leaving two whose other main themes are love and virtue. These saddles seem to have the Saint present to elaborate on the chivalric aspects of the tale of Saint George. Six of the saddles show the Saint on foot rather than horseback, implying that their message was more closely related to the second half of the story in which the mass conversion and not the valiant slaying of evil is the focus.[14] The image of Saint George on foot with his lance speared into the mouth of the dragon while its tail winds around the Saint’s foot was popular in fifteenth century Central Europe and can be found on a wooden statue of Saint George in the Nuremburg National Museum and on many contemporary stove tiles displayed at the Budapest History Museum. This exact detail is also found on the saddles at the Hungarian National Museum and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts,[15] which was previously used to suggested that the saddles were linked to Central Europe.[16]

Jankovich Saddle, detail of Order of the Dragon symbol
Budapest, Hungarian National Museum (55.3119) 

The connection of these saddles with this region, specifically with the Kingdom of Hungary has a long history. The nature and degree of this connection has long been debated between German, Hungarian, and Italian scholars. At the moment, the association of the saddles with the early fifteenth century order of knights, Drachenordens, or The Order of the Dragon is stated as fact on the informational cards displayed next to the saddles in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the Glasgow Museum of Art and others. The theory comes from the presence of the symbol of the order, a dragon with its tail wrapped around its neck, on the back cantle-lobe of a saddle in the Hungarian National Museum, known as the Jankovitch saddle.[17] Founded in 1408 by Hungarian King and future Holy Roman Emperor, Sigismund von Luxembourg, the Order served to defend Sigismund and Christianity against his enemies to the South-East and at home.[18] The name of the order comes from the legend of Saint George, and is also known as the Order of the Defeated Dragon. The presence of this symbol has led many scholars to believe that many, if not all, of the saddles were produced for this Order, possibly as gifts for induction ceremonies.[19] This conclusion is problematic and unlikely since the dates do not match and the symbol itself was used for generations after the death of the King Sigismund by the Hungarian nobility. The Báthory family of Hungary, whose members were ranked highly in military, ecclesiastical and administrative positions, for example used some version of the symbol in their family crest through the seventeenth century. Whether or not the saddles have anything to do with the Order of the Dragon, the presence of Saint George and the large number of dragons shows a clear emphasis on protection from the world beyond the borders of Christianity.

This emphasis on protection reveals itself in other aspects of the decorative programs of the saddles. In addition to dragons, there are numerous composite figures of griffins, lions, and human-headed creatures that often populate the pages of bestiaries. While the dragons, griffins, jackals, and devils dispersed in the imagery are aspects of the dangers beyond the physical borders, the creatures with more human characteristics represent the borders of rationality. On a saddle in the Hungarian National Museum there are two Wildmen representing the inner beast. The randomly dispersed images of apes holding the hands of women or flanking a pair of lovers in whispered conversation are personifications of the irrationality of “foolish men who have been betrayed into the power of women on account of their lust.”[20]

Aristotle and Phyllis detail, Rhédey Saddle

Budapest, Hungarian National Museum (55.3118) 

Perhaps the best example of a combination of pagan and irrational is the scene of Aristotle and Phyllis on a saddle at the Hungarian National Museum.[21] The aged Aristotle crawls on all fours with a young woman riding his back. Complete with the girdle and whip, the scene depicts Aristotle caught by his pupil, Alexander the Great, engaging in the same irrational acts that Aristotle warned him against. It illustrates that women and love can turn even the wisest of men into a fool. The tale originates from the East, specifically the Buddhist Jataka Tales and was popular soon after its introduction in the west in the thirteenth century.[22] On the surface, the scene was read as a warning to men to be wary of the power of women. Additionally, according to George Satron, any medieval commoner would immediately recognize that “Aristotle had been a pagan. His shameful failure illustrated … the vanity of philosophy, especially of that philosophy which was as yet unredeemed by Christian grace.”[23] Aristotle’s paganism presumably held special meaning in lands where Christian monarchs struggled with holding back the non Christian kingdoms to the East and quelling revolts in their own countries. While this seems to support localization to a place with direct and complex relationships with neighboring non-Christians, it must be mentioned that Aristotle and Phyllis are also a favorite couple of the French, where patrons loved the intrigue of the story and had just finished a string of crusades to try to tame the pagan lands.

            Much of the remaining iconography on the saddles deals with these same themes of love and lust. Lovers are seen on nearly all of the figurally decorated saddles. Attempts made to identify the specific sources for these scenes are for the most part inconclusive. It is suggested that rather than coming from a few specific sources, the scenes are an eclectic mixture of late Gothic romances from across generations and geographic regions. Lovers found on the saddles are carved into garden landscapes complete with gates, large overgrown flowers, symbolic animals and couples in various stages of courtship.

            The turbulent fifteenth century may have prompted the need to show imagery relating to the defense of the borders of Christianity. The Ottoman were closing in on the Balkans and the Hussite Wars were raging in Bohemia. The age of exploration was at its height. The evocation of Saint George could be linked to a wider range of cultural issues untouched in the scholarly literature. In the future, I aim to explore these connections more thoroughly.

---

[1] Translated by (Grancsay 1937) Stephen Grancsay in “An Early Sculptured Saddle.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 32, no. 4 (1937) 92-94. The saddle on which the motto is located in the appendix under #1.

[2] Julius Schlosser, “Elfenbeinsättel das Ausgehenden Mittelalters,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wein 15 (1894) 259-294.

[3] Mária Verő, “Bemerkungen zu den Beinsätteln aus der Sigismundzeit.” In Sigismundus Rex et imperator: Kunst und Kultur zur Zeit Sigismunds von Luxemburg 1387-1437. Edited by Philipp von Zabern, 270-278. Budapest: W-Press Kft., 2006.

[4] Robert Brydall, “Notice of Armour and Arms at Eglinton Castle, Three Scottish Swords, etc.” Transactions of the Glasgow Archeological Society 4 (1903): 38-48.

[5] Campbell, C. Jean. “Courting, Harlotry and the Art of Gothic Ivory Carving”. Gesta 34, no. 1 (1995): 11.

[6] In addition to the twenty-eight listed by Ver• in 2006, there is another saddle made of wood that belongs to the group in the Wallace collection, appendix number 25.

[7] Stephen Grancsay. "An Early Sculptured Saddle," The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 32, No. 4. (Apr., 1937) 94.

[8] Two saddles can immediately be removed from the list because they are made of wood, covered in gesso and painted to resemble bone. They are both identical replicas of a saddle at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and were probably created in the late 19th century, when the production of fake ivories was at its height. These saddles are in the Wallace Collection (inv.# A415, in the appendix of this paper under #25), and the Musee l'Armee (G. 546, appendix #26). For a discussion of gothic ivory reproduction in the 19th century see: Barnet, Peter, ed. Images in Ivory: Precious Objects of the Gothic Age. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. (79) Another two, one from the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna (accession #A 73, appendix #21) and the other from the Deutsch Historisches Museum in Berlin (appendix #24) have been placed into the category of questionable authenticity for this paper because of their vastly different approaches to decoration and the lack of technical skill in which they were executed, which may be due in part to bad restoration. It is possible to suggest that these saddles were made at a later date to mimic the others. Two saddles, one in the Deutsch Historisches Museum in Berlin (accession #W1010, Appendix #22) and one in the Glasgow Art Gallery and Museum (accession #E 1939.65.bx, appendix #23) have no figural decoration, and instead are covered in stylized swirl motifs. These appear to have only the shape and material in common with the saddles and will not be addressed here. The damaged saddles are numbers 14 through 17 in the Appendix and are located in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Wallace Collection in London, the Museo Bardini in Florence, and formerly the Zschille collection, current whereabouts unknown. While these saddles will not be addressed again formally, when in the service of making a point, they may be listed as examples containing certain images along with the other saddles.

[9] Dragons are found on saddles listed in the appendix under numbers: 1-8, 10, 13, 18, 20, and 24-26.

[10] Louise W. Lippincott, "The Unnatural History of Dragons," Philadelphia Museum of Art Bulletin, 44 no. 334 (Winter, 1981), 2-24.

[11] Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend. Ed. F.S. Ellis. London: Temple Classics, 1993, 238-242.

[12] Three saddles mention Saint George by name in prayers inscribed in the bone. Two saddles ask for the help and blessing of the Saint, and one mentions him in a love sonnet. The original inscription in German on the saddle with the prayer reads: "HILF, VOL AUF SAND (JO)RGEN NAM-ILF (?) RITTER SAND JORG." The saddle is in the Appendix under # 15, The other reads: ICH HOFF DES PESTEN. HILF GOT WAL AUF SAND JORGEN NAM. In the Appendix under # 13. The love sonnet on the saddle in the appendix under #7 reads ALLAIN MEIN ADER LOC GAR SEIN; RITT DAD JORIG; DICH LIBE GOT; HUERD?; ICH HAN NICHT LIEBERE WEN SICH. The feathered diadem is discussed in conjunction with medieval stove tiles from Eastern Europe by Anna Maria Gruia, "Saint George on Medieval Stove Tiles from Transylvania, Moldovia and Wallachia: An Iconograogical Approach." Studia Patzinaka, 3 (2006) 10. The saddles with the diadems are in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (Appendix #2), and in the Hungarian National Museum (Appendix #5). The kneeling princess is found on saddles in the Appendix under #s 3, 6, and 7.

[13] Saint George on horseback is shown on saddles listed in the appendix under numbers 3, 6, 7, and 24.

[14] Saint George is depicted on foot spearing the dragon is found on saddles in the Appendix under #s: 1,2, 4, 5, 8, and 20.

[15] Saddles in Appendix under #s 2 and 5.

[16] Eisler, János. “Zu den fragen der beinsättel des Ungarischen Nationalmuseums II.” Folia Archaeologica 30 (1979): 211.

[17] Appendix # 3

[18] Gezá Nagy “Hadtörténeti Ereklyék a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeumban.” Hadtörténeti Közlemények 11 (1910): 223-243.

[19] In support of this argument see I. Genthon, “Monumenti artistici ungheresi all’estero.” Acta Historiae Artium 16 (1970): 5-35.) for an argument against it see János Eisler, “Zu den Frangen der Beinsättel des Ungarischen Nationalmuseums I.” Folia Archaeologica 28 (1977): 189-209. and János Eisler, “Zu den Frangen der Beinsättel des Ungarischen Nationalmuseums II.” Folia Archaeologica 30 (1979): 205-244.)

[20] Keith P. F. Moxey, “Master E. S. and the Folly of Love.” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 11, no. 3/4 (1980): 125-148.

[21] Appendix # 5.

[22] George Sarton, “Aristotle and Phyllis.” Isis 14, no. 1 (1930): 8-19.

[23] (Sarton 1930, 11)

The Ferenc Wathay Songbook

This post comes from my current research and serves to introduce a manuscript to an English-speaking audience while also offering some preliminary observations and avenues for further exploration. Just slightly outside of my own cutoff date of 1600, this unique and important product of the Ottoman-Hungarian cultural exchange deserves attention.

Figure 1
Nándorfehérvár (now Belgrade, Serbia), The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29), folio 23b-24a

Figure 2
Temesvár (now Timişoara, Romania), The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29),  folio 30b-31a

The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, preserved in the Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29), contains two remarkable city views of Nándorfehérvár (now Belgrade, Serbia)[1] and Temesvár (now Timişoara, Romania) and a host of intriguing illuminations depicting Ottomanized life along the frontier. The 133 folio manuscript, written and illuminated in 1604-6, contains twenty-eight Hungarian ballads with accompanying illustrations, followed by a twenty-four page autobiography detailing the events of the author’s life, capture, and slavery. The text and images were crafted by a member of the Hungarian lesser nobility, Ferenc Wathay, who was held as an Ottoman captive between 1602 and 1606.  Below, I provide an overview of the contents of the volume and a list of illuminations and their accompanying text, translated from the original Hungarian by myself, or left in the original Latin. Below that, I provide a preliminary list of future topics of exploration, some of which may be taken up as future posts.

Contents

3a -- title page

4a-5b -- introduction

6a-105b -- songs

107a-131b -- autobiography

132a-133a -- various remarks

Images and accompanying inscriptions

2a – coat of arms with the inscriptions:

 “This is my coat of arms, this is my Christ. 1605.

“Written by the hand of F. Wathaj”

7b – simple ink drawing of a castle

9a – a crow on a mountain

10a – a lion in a green field

 23b-24a – Nándorfehérvár city view from the river (figure 1)

“From the south, this is how the good Nándorfehérvár looks

More beautiful places do not exist on this earth

That it was taken from the Hungarians, what a shame”

27a – slaves in front of a building

Figure 3
Wathay in chains by the Temes River, The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29),  folio  27b

27b – a castle in the background with the Temes (Romanian: Timiş) River in front of it, Wathay in chains being carried in the foreground

30b-31a – Temesvár city view (figure 2)

"This is how the sun rose, and to the South lies Temesvár

The little Temes River contains and is surrounded by mud

I did not know, and I too wait as a captive. 

31b – illustration to the autobiography - the torture of Wathay at Ferhát hodzsa

“This was how Ferhat hoddzsa (Turkish: wise man)’s hospitality ended

At Temesvár, I broke with him

Three locks, and I ran”

33b - Turkish horsemen accompanying Wathay barefoot towards a fortress

35b – transporting Hungarian slaves in a cart illustration to the biography with inscription

"As such sixty new ones, ten carts of slaves

They took us under, with great chains on our necks

In one month I will see the ruler’s home and the sea"

37b – a boat on the sea, in the background a town.

"Prior Pars Asia

Olim Bithinia

Nuc apata”

42a – a town, foreground with the sea with boats and fish

"Finis Europae

Olim Tratia

nuc pars Constantinapolis.”

44a – slaves in a basket on the back of a camel

Figure 4
Countryside with two towns, The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29),  folio  44a-45b

44b- 45a – countryside with two post-raid villages completely pillaged and burned

52b – Turkish galley ship on the sea

71a – nude female standing on a wheel with wings on her heels

“Fronte Capillata Post Haec est Ocasio Calva”

72b – stag on its hind legs

“Tempora Labvntvr sic nos Ibimvs Ibitis Ibvnt”

74b – Wathay looking through the bars locked in a tower

80b – fighting bear and tiger

Figure 5
Wathay crying in his cell, The Ferenc Wathay Songbook, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia (K 62, previously M. Cod. 4rét 29),  folio  83b

83b – Wathay crying in his cell

“Psal Cii Factvs svm Sict Nocticorax in Domicilio.”

86a – nude male with a skull and leg bones

“O Homo Memento Quod Pvlvis es et in Pvlvere Reverteris”

87a – the last judgment

“Svrgite Mortvi Venite Ad Ivdicivm”

91a – colorful flower

100a – hunting scene with fox and crow

101a – roosters and crows with a fox

106b – dead deer with a crow on top of it with two other crows flying above

“Sic Transit Gloria Mvndi”

Some future research topics

* Ottomanization as depicted in 23b-24a (Nándorfehérvár) and 30b-31a (Temesvár)

* genealogy of the visual vocabulary

* mixing of languages in the text

* the significance of the crow and other animals

* depiction of battle scenes

* representing the Hungarian/ representing the Ottoman in image and text

* the visualization of architecture

* cruelties of war

* how Wathay acquired the tools to make this volume and how it survived

* the last judgment scene 

For a scan of the full manuscript see here.

For the text of the songs in Hungarian see here.

Bibliography

(Ács 1979)
Ács, Pál. 1979. “Wathay Ferenc: Áldott filemile. Allegória és invenció.” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 83 (2): 173–186.

(Wathay and Katona 1976)

Wathay, Ferenc, and Tamás Katona. 1976. Wathay Ferenc énekes könyve [Ferenc Wathay's song book]. Budapest: Magyar Helikon.

(Benda 1968)

Benda, Kálmán. 1968. “Adalékok Wathay Ferenc életéhez.” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 72 (2): 211-213.

(Nagy 1957)

Nagy, Lajos. 1957. Wathaz Ferenc: Székesfejérvár veszérül való história. Székesfejérvár: István Király Múzeum.

 (Angyal 1955)

Angyal, Endre. 1955. “Vathay Ferenc énekeskönyve.” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 59 (1): 51-61.
 

(Nagy 1955)

Nagy, Lajos. 1955. Wathay Ferenc énekeskönyve [Ferenc Wathay's song book]. Székesfehérvár: István Király Múzeum közleményei.

---

[1] The image of Nándorfehérvár was incorrectly bound. Without access to the manuscript itself, I cannot be sure when this mistake was made. Contemporary images of the city reveal its shape as I switched it in Figure 1.

Ottoman Costume Books before 1600

location	date	artist or geographic localization	Full or partial facsimile
Herzog August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, (Cod. 206)	1570	Csöbör Balázs of Szigetvár	Szakály 1983
Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart (R 16 Ghi 1.4°)	1572	for Sanaert Vriesaud Lowen
Österreichische National Bibliothek, Vienna (Cod. Mixt. 313)	1572-1573
BibliothequeNationale, Dep des Estampes, Paris (Od.3)	1574?
Österreichische National Bibliothek, Vienna (Cod. Vindob 3325)	1574 (Atasoy) 1572-1573 (Stichel)	Lambert Wyts
TopkapiSaray Museum (Hazine 2168)	16th cent., second half	Ottoman
Statliche Museen, Lipperheidesche Kostumbibliothek, Berlin (Aa 20)	1580	German
Statliche Museen, Lipperheidesche Kostumbibliothek, Berlin (Aa 21)	1580	German
Bodleian Library, Oxford (Or. 430)	1588	German or Englishman in Istanbul	Bodleian Library 1977 (partial)
Österreichische National Bibliothek, Vienna (Cod. Vindob 8626)	1590
National Library of , Leningrad (Hermitage Inv. 152891)	1590s	used by Ludolf von Stockheim(died 1596)
Kupferstichkabinett, Dresden (Inv. Ca 108)	16th cent.
Landesbibliothek, Kassel (MS. Hist. 4° 31)	16th cent.,end
Saechsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden (MS. Dresd. I)	16th cent., late
Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (MS 439)	16th cent., end
Uffici, Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe, Florence	16th cent. end	Italian, Jacopo Ligozzi
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice (CL IV 491/5578)	16th cent.	Ottoman
British Library, London (Or. 2709)	1600, c. and 18th cent.	Ottoman with later additions
Kunstsammling der Veste, Koburg  (Hz. 12)	1587 (Atasoy) 1574-1595 (Stichel)	Foreign artist living in Istanbul
A. Meyer Memorial Library, Jerusalem	1587
All Souls College, Oxford (MS. 314)	1590
Private Collection, Benedetto Croce (d. 1952)	16th cent.
Trinity College, Cambridge	16th cent.
British Museum, London	16th cent.
Kupferstickkabinett, Dresden (Inv. Ca 170) formerly Ca 171	1581	Copy by Zacharias Wehme after David Ungnad von Sonnegg
Österreichische National Bibliothek, Vienna (Cod. Vindob 8615)	1586	copy after David Ungnad von Sonnegg
Kupferstickkabinett, Dresden (Inv. Ca 169)	16th cent.	copy after David Ungnad von Sonnegg
Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden (Ms. J 2 a)	16th cent.	copy after David Ungnad von Sonnegg
Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Bremen (Ms. or. 9)	1574	Lambert de Vos	de Vos 1991
Bibliotheque Nationale, Dep des Estampes, Paris (Od.2)	16th cent.	copy after Lambert de Vos
Gennadeios Library, Athens (A 986)	16th cent.	copy after Lambert de Vos
Kupferstickkabinett, Dresden (Inv. Ca 114)	16th cent.	copy after Lambert de Vos