Thursday, July 7, 2011

Mapping the Ottoman-Hungarian Frontier: Topographical Views

“…and the city became a venue for the rituals of Islam” :
Mapping the Ottoman-Hungarian Frontier in Sixteenth-Century Topographical Views




This blog post derives from my research for two separate seminars: one with a Professor Tarek Kahlaoui of the Art History department at Rutgers titled The Islamic City (Fall 2009) and one with Professor David Hughes of the Anthropology department at Rutgers titled Frontiers: The Ethnography of Landscape (Spring 2011).


            "Then the castle of Budun[1] was transferred to the Mighty Padishah; 
the ezan reverberated from the minarets to the heavens, 
the banners of victory were hoisted onto the bastions, 
and the city became a venue for the rituals of Islam."[2]

figure 1 (chart Szk 2)
Manuscript illumination depicting the taking of Székesfehérvár, 1587-1588, Istanbul, Szeyyid Lokman, from the Hunername, preserved in the Topkapi Palace Library, Istanbul (Catalog #:  Hazine 1524), folio 268r

In his poignant description of the taking of the city of Buda in 1541, the Ottoman chronicler Ferdi narrates an important shift of in the imperial boundary between the Empire and the “Other” as one encompassed in the call to prayer from newly christened minarets, the hoisting of flags onto military structures, and the general practice of Islamic rituals. These visual tropes are echoed in depictions of newly conquered cities from sources on all sides of the conflict. One example can be found in a manuscript illumination of Székésfehérvár from 1587-1588 in Szeyyid Lokman’s Hunername, (figure 1).  In the foreground, a man scurries along with a sack slung over his shoulder, while others go about their business by the siege tents set up outside the city fortifications. Within the walls, Ottoman soldiers weave through the urban landscape of stylized buildings. Three figures raise flags atop the highest bastions.  The finials of the churches still retain their crosses, yet the local Catholic population is completely absent from the scene.  One turbaned man in a long caftan stands with his legs hidden behind the roofed nave of the largest church, holding his hands up to his mouth in a gesture of amplified vocalization, the universally recognized symbol of the call for prayer.  The cluttered array of buildings, barely contained within the city walls, betray the artist’s disregard for topographical and geographical factualness in his narration of the shifting border. Instead, the manuscript illumination inscribes auditory, visual, and spiritual reconfigurations onto the urban landscape to give it new meaning; remapping conceptual and physical space through highly symbolic actions.
 It is this mapping and remapping this post seeks to examine, by looking at a sixteenth-century phenomenon of visual culture to observe patterns of spatial reconfiguration following the political “conquering” or “taking” of a designated site along the most illustrated and most volatile border in sixteenth-century Europe: the Ottoman-Hungarian frontier zone.  The localized views of specific cities, towns, and fortresses offer more detailed and intimate understandings of this shifting border than the handful of regional maps from the period, which have been addressed elsewhere.[3] I seek here to establish a typology of conceptualization: narrative, cityscape, and plan. 

Sixteenth-century Visual Material
The visual materials, loosely labeled as maps, are the products of a turbulent political and social climate, produced and consumed by various populations of locals, Habsburgs, and Ottoman Turks.  As they collided on the battlefield and in the city streets, illustrators, engravers, map makers, and amateurs sought to visualize the exchange in unique ways. These works do not predate the gradual development of scientific cartography, though they were created separately from the handful of regional cartographic representations of the same period.  Are they maps? The definition of a “map” is complicated and making a distinction between map and not-map is nearly impossible. Their utility for navigational purposes may be lacking, but they locate human actions in space like other utilitarian maps. Yet at the same time they differ greatly from our traditional understanding, because their primary purpose is often to tell a story rather than to present facts. This question brings up issues between etic and emic understandings of maps and the semiotic problem of map–territory relationships. After all, a map can be a guide to mental territories as well as physical ones.
                What follows is an unavoidably incomplete summary of those sources created between 1526 and 1605, when the Ottoman Empire’s expansion efforts in Central Europe were at their height.  It should be noted that equally interesting studies could be made of images from the Venetian-Ottoman frontier and the Ottoman Empire’s Eastern frontiers.[4] Late seventeenth century images of the decline of the Ottoman period in the region are also rich in number and content, however they are outside the scope of this paper because they are born out of a different political climate.
               
Narrative
The group of images I describe as “narrative” maps are comprised of prints, drawings, and manuscript illuminations illustrating historical events within an identifiable geographic context, often with accompanying text.  In these works, representation of the surrounding environment comes secondary to the narrative component.  The spatial representation can then be exaggerated upon, stylized, or modified to further reinforce this narrative.  The content of the narrative components of these works overwhelmingly refers to military victories, defeats, and diplomatic negotiations. Many images were made in remote locations, with artists working from memory, sketches, literary descriptions, or pure imagination.
figure 2 (chart - B1)
The Siege of Buda or Ein ware Contrafactur oder verschohnus der Koniglichen Stat Ofen in Ungarn fr belegrung sampt dem begriffligen …, 1541, woodcut printed in Nuremberg, by Erhard Schön with text by Hans Sachs, commissioned by general Wilhelm von Roggendorf for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand,  individual print, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, Történelmi Képcsarnok, Budapest

Individual prints narrating sieges were produced as early as 1541 when the Ottomans laid siege to Buda with the intent of settling within the city. Commissioned by general Wilhelm von Roggendorf for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I, Erhard-Schön’s massive woodcut represents just one example of this type (figure 2). Measuring 58 x 14.5 inches (1476×366 mm) the print includes a lengthy inscription written by Hans Sachs detailing an entirely fictional series of events surrounding the siege.[5] The original print exists in only one faded copy, though the woodblocks are preserved and a  limited number of reprints were created from them in the early twentieth century. Compositionally complex, the entire right half depicts a cluttered battlefield filled with pole arms and soldiers engaged in combat and marching towards the action. The city of Buda dominates the upper half of the left side of the print, with the city of Pest just across the Danube. Hundreds of minute details fill the landscape, including grazing camels, corpses sprawled out in the middle of meadows, groups of individuals huddled together engaging in social activities, men returning from a hunt, etc. Other examples of single sheet narrative prints from this early period include the works of Enea Vico and Giovanni Battista Maggi.
figure 3 (chart - E5)
The Siege of Esztergom or STRIGORIVM A CAESARIANIS OBSESSVM, ANNO CHR MCXC, 1595, printing location unknown, made for wide German and Latin speaking audience, made by Dominicus Custos, Matthiae Thalmano, a copy can be found in the Esztergom History Museum

The Fifteen Years War (1593-1606) ushered in a new genre of narrative city views printed on single large leaves of paper alongside more factual texts narrating the battle, known as broadsheets.  These could also be printed without accompanying text and serve “as a kind of topographical variation of the battle-scene genre that evolved in painting."[6]  Examples depicting the Ottoman wars in the Kingdom of Hungary include those made by Wening and Hallart, Caspar Minsich, Georg Keller, John Ruda, Dominicus Custos, and a number of unidentified engravers. Dominicus Custos’s rendering of the Siege of Esztergom includes a legend in German and Latin with thirty-three details identified through roman numerals (figure 3). Here too, the city of Esztergom itself is confined to a small fraction of the surface, with a majority of the landscape devoted to military camps and battlefields.
This category of narrative views also includes many Ottoman manuscript illuminations, like the taking of Székésfehérvár from Szeyyid Lokman’s Hunername (figure 1). Manuscripts such as these were highly prized unique objects produced for the highest officers of the imperial court, and more often than not, for the Sultan himself. Their contents ranged from individual chronicles of campaigns and grand historical narratives to books of advice for the sultans. Produced in the royal workshops of Constantinople,[7]  their commemorative nature lends the illuminator a certain amount of artistic license in exaggerating upon the landscape in order to serve the larger narrative.  For example, the city of Szigetvar is represented in a narrative context on at least twelve separate folios from Ottoman manuscripts. Its prominence is due to the importance of the Siege of Szigetvár, during which the long ruling Sultan Suleiman died of natural causes. In the sixteenth-century, the easily identifiable city was composed of three manmade island-fortresses with the largest island containing a moated inner castle. Each of the twelve images contains different conceptions of the urban space and its surrounding landscape. Even in one volume, such as the Nuzhat al-asrar al-akhbar dar safar-i Sigitvar, an unfinished manuscript begun in 1569 by Osman under the patronage of Ahmed Feridun Pasha, the three renderings of the landscape differ greatly. The landscape moves from stylized, orderly, and contained to destroyed and threateningly testing the boundaries of the page. Similar ranges of spatial representation are also present in the six renderings in the Süleymannâme  in the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin, and the Futuhat-I camila in the Topkapi Palace Library of Istanbul.
figure 4 (chart Szb1)
Siege of Sabacs, Manuscript illumination from the Tabakat ul-memalik Ve Derecat ul-mesalik, preserved in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Inventory number OsmHist 41), folio 38r, 1557, maker unknown, Ottoman Turkish speaking, location of production unknown (local copy?), original text written by Mustafa Celalzade

A small number of the surviving examples of narrative urban views from manuscripts are likely provincial productions, illuminated for the wealthiest officials by rural workshops in a simplified style. They are difficult to identify, rarely published, and usually copies of earlier works.  Such is the case with the  Tabakat ul-memalik Ve Derecat ul-mesalik; a historical work originally written by Mustafa Celalzade. It contains a series of simplified images with rivers, buildings, city walls, marching soldiers, and flags with a complete disregard for relaying any spatial facts (figure 4).
The Central European counterparts to these Ottoman chronicles are the historical works illustrated by Johann Sibmacher and Wilhelm Peter Zimmermann.[8] Sibmacher’s engravings appeared in the four-volume military history of the Austro-Hungarian region, the Chronologia, written by his brother-in-law, Hieronymus Ortelius (1543-1614).[9] Ortelius, a notary at the imperial court, provided detailed accounts of battles and sieges between the years 1395 -1602, with later editions extending to cover the history of the region through 1612.[10] The double-page plates show the fortifications of cities as they are besieged by the Turks Habsbirgs, or off mixtures of these groups. Some of these plates have since been removed from their contexts and are catalogued in collections as individual prints.[11] Wilhelm Peter Zimmermann‘s Eikonographia aller derer ungarischen Stätt, Vestungen, Castellen und Häusern[12] is similar in scale and topic, claiming to cover all of the Hungarian cities, fortresses, castles, and palaces.

Cityscapes
                The second category of images are the cityscapes of the Ottoman-Hungarian frontier, created for printed books and illuminated manuscripts. A continuation of a fifteenth-century humanistic interest in collecting urban, social, and geographic entities of the world into one hand-held volume as a proto-ethnographic study,[13]  both European and Ottoman sources can be traced to similar precedents, though the exact routes of dissemination and influence are difficult, if not impossible, to follow. Two images of the city of Buda appear in the Civitates Orbis Terrarum, published in Cologne in 1572 under the direction of Georgeus Braun and principally engraved by Franz Hogenberg.  The publication, released in six volumes, eventually included 546 views of cities from around the world accompanied by short textual accounts of their history, state of affairs, and economy.[14]  These armchair traveler’s compendiums were not the only humanistic exercises to utilize city views from the Ottoman-Hungarian frontier.  A number of historical works appeared in the late sixteenth century that used city views as illustrative tools to accompany a narrative providing detailed background on the history of rulers, events, and populations. It is interesting to note that with these works, even though they accompanied a narrative, the images offer no narrative of their own, and are simply representations of the city. Those historical texts which are illustrated with city views appearing in the appendix are Joannes Leunclavius’ Neuwe Chronica Türkischer nation from 1590,[15] Wilhelm Dilich’s Ungarische Chronica from 1600,[16] and Hieronymus Ortelius’s Chronologia Ortelius from 1604,[17] Sebastian Münster’s 1544 Cosmographia Universale  has similarities to the projects listed above, except its scope and range of topics and regions covered is far more expansive.
                Rather than an exercise in humanism, the city views from the Leiden sketchbook offer a unique and personal glimpse into the frontier zone through a visual narrative of the Ottomanization process along the well traveled trade and diplomatic route between Vienna and Constantinople in 1577. The sketchbook’s 26 town views visually chronicle a traveler’s real life journey along the road through a series of panoramic landscapes. The fascinating volume has attracted little scholarly attention in the past,[18] yet it is remarkable for its detail. Of the four Hungarian towns depicted, Buda is the only published image (figure 11). Heavy dark lines delineating the curves of the mountains on the left side of the drawing are echoed by the heavy handed corrections to the outline of the city walls and bastions of Pest, suggesting the artist may have had an ulterior motive for understanding the defensive structures of the low lying strategic city, or at least an interest in the development of fortifications. The city of Buda, on the other hand, is a hazy jumble of buildings, minarets, and towers strewn across the hillside. The correction of the lines suggests that the artist did not just draw the image from the safety of his boat as in the rest of the images, but also walked around the city too, perhaps correcting what he saw from memory. A series of numbers appears throughout the page for which an explanation may be found with access to the complete manuscript.
figure 5 (chart E1)
Esztergom, manuscript illumination, c. 1544, Istanbul, Matrakçı Nasuh, from the Tārih-I feth-I Şaklāvün (Şiklös) ve Ustürgun ve Ustünibelgrad, Topkapi Palace Library, Istanbul (Catalog #: Hazine 1608), folio 90r

                A small number of pure cityscapes and landscapes, devoid of narrative content, appear in Ottoman sources as well. Matrakci’s Nashu’s unfinished Tārih-I feth-I Şaklāvün (Şiklös) ve Ustürgun ve Ustünibelgrad, for example, is a chronicle of Suleiman’s military campaign of 1543-44 against Siklós, Esztergom and Sékesfehérvár. [19] Throughout the richly illuminated text, schematic route maps showing encampments, churches, and fortresses appear with plaque-like labels placed in the spaces between the simplified generic castle motifs, providing the date of arrival and distance between the plotted locations in mils. A handful of selected larger urban centers are rendered in birds-eye view. One example can be seen in the winding streets of Esztergom (figure 5).Their stylization to the point of abstraction means that the views have practically no claim to accuracy at all. Another example of cityscapes produced in the Ottoman royal workshops can be seen in Seyyid Lokman’s Süleymannâme. Here there is a greater attention to detail, possibly coming from personal experience of the city or with graphic drawings of it.
                The provincially produced  Tabakat ul-memalik Ve Derecat ul-mesalik also contains a number of images without any narrative content. These extremely stylized images depict haphazardly placed buildings within awkwardly placed city walls and broad sweeping lines for rivers. A number of the images contain rows of disembodied flags, as if the men carrying them were just beyond the picture place. The overall effect created by the pages is tense, with erratic calligraphic lines reminiscent of a child’s drawing. The city of Esztergom is drawn from what looks like a crazy number of angels but once the eye adjusts to the overwhelming pictorial illusion, then a pattern emerges and the walls can be interpreted as if the viewer stood on the ground looking up at the wall from the exterior.  when Essentially, what has happened in these images is the city view takes the Ottomans perspective. Cities they have yet to lay siege to and conquer are depicted with walls turned inwards, as if seen from all four sides from the exterior. Esztergom is depicted from the outside of the city walls looking in, as if the viewer traveled along the road.

Siege Plans and Street Maps
figure 6 (chart B4)
Raab (Győr), ink and wash drawing, 1594-1595, maker unknown (German speaking), part of a set in Stockholm, Handritade kartverk Nr. 23/21a

The third and final group of works are the street plans and siege maps of urban space drawn up by those surveying cities, often for defensive and offensive military purposes. These images attempt to accurately depict the configuration of the city, town, or fortress for the expressed function of strategy or navigation. They offer the most detailed information on the placement of walls, streets, and occasionally buildings. A group of these siege plans can be found among a set of 122 hand-drawn and colored plans preserved in the Royal War Archives in Stockholm (Kungliga Krigsarkivet, Stockholm Banérgatan 64).[20] The collection contains three bird’s eye views of Győr (Raab), and one of Tata that can be dated to the sixteenth century. The three images of Győr focus on different aspects of the landscape: the first looks broadly at the surrounding marshland and placement of military divisions, the second looks closely at the placement and angles of fortress walls, and the third looks at the specifics of the street plan and prominent stone built structures (figure 6). The latter image is the most detailed and accurate plan of any city from the period, with city streets clearly defined in a believable grid pattern. Important large and permanent stone structures are the only ones drawn into the map. In addition to these Stockholm examples, I am aware of only two more images depicting Székesfehérvár. Undoubtedly, the vast majority of these originals are now lost, however, archival research might reveal further examples.
figure 7 (chart N1)
Siege plan of Nadorfehervar, c. 1521, maker unknown (Ottoman Turkish speaking), Topkapi Palace Library, Istanbul (Catalog #: E. 9440)

Two my knowledge, only two Ottoman siege plans of Hungarian cities are published: a large color map of Nádorfehérvár, now Belgrade, Serbia (figure 7), and a smaller map of Szigetvár.[21] Both are filled with ornamental features and inessential details alongside their rendering and labeling of major architectural features important for the siege. The Nádorfehérvár map includes inscriptions more directly related to plans of attack and alternative strategies. The view of Nádorfehérvár is brightly colored and artfully presented. Much less concerned with scale, perspective, and exactitude, the birds-eye view mixes with frontal perspective and the seas of houses and smaller clusters of buildings break down into abstracted forms. In the landscape beyond the city, lollypop like trees run across the rolling hills delimitated by a smooth undulating line. Despite its artfulness, notes are dispersed throughout the image referring to siege strategies.



[1] Ottoman Turkish name for the city of Buda, capitol of the Kingdom of Hungary prior to the Ottoman period. The separate cities of Buda and Pest were united in 1873.
[2] Translation from Géza Fehér, Turkish miniatures from the period of Hungary's Turkish occupation (Budapest: Corvina Press, 1978), Pl. 18). His text comes from J. Thury, Török törtenetirök (Budapest: Independent publication, 1896), 108-109. All titles in Hungarian and Turkish are translated in the appendix by the author.
[3] For example, see the essay by Zsolt G. Török, “Renaissance Cartography in East Central Europe, ca. 1450-1650,” in The History of Cartography volume 3.2, ed. John Brian Harley and David Woodward, 1806-1851, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), and Palmira Brummett, “Imagining the early modern Ottoman space,” in The Early Modern Ottomans: Remapping the Empire, ed. Virginia H. Aksan and Daniel Goffman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 15-58.
[4] A larger collaborative project which takes on a comparative study  of other border regions would make for an excellent conference.
[5] I have not been able to locate the text itself. Jenő Gyalókay, “Végvár és csatatér,” in Magyar művelődéstörténet: a Magyar Történelmi Társulat megbízásából, ed. Sándor Domanovszky, et. al. (Szekszárd: Babits-Magyar Amerikai Kiadói, 1991).
[6]  Basics 2003, 47.
[7] The collection of known representations of Hungary from Ottoman Turkish manuscripts was published by Géza Fehér, Turkish miniatures from the period of Hungary's Turkish occupation (Budapest: Corvina Press, 1978). A few images are discussed in the context of the development of mapmaking in the Ottoman Empire in J. Michael Rogers, “Itineraries and Town Views in Ottoman Histories,” in The History of Cartography Volume 2 Book 1. ed. John Brian Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
[8] Some of the images from unidentified sources may come from additional historical publications. Further research is needed.
[9] full title: CHRONOLOGIA Oder Historische beschreibung aller Kriegsemporungen vnd belagerungen in Oder Vnder Ungern auch Siebenburgen Zusamen verfast vnd mit fleiss beschrieben durch Hieronumum Ortilum Augustanum.
[10] This volume has not been translated or reproduced and it is not owned by any libraries in the United States. I have acquired a digital version of the work and plan to do further research on it. The first edition appeared in 1602, printed by Valentin Fuhrmann. The introduction contains histories of the Hungarian kings, the Turkish sultans and emperors, and the original name of Hungary, ending with a list of cities and fortifications.
[11] For example, two prints from Sibmacher are catalogued in the Library of Congress in Washington, DC as individual works.
[12] Full title: Eikonographia aller derer ungarischen Stätt, Vestungen, Castellen und Häusern von anfang der Regierung Rudolphi des andern Römischen Kaysers biß auf das 1603 : Jahr mit Krieg, beydes von des Römischen und Türckischen Kaysers Kriegsvolck ersucht, belägert, beschossen, gestürmet mit gewalt oder auffgebung erobert und verloren worden, neben den Schlachten und fürnehmbsten treffen, so sich umb und bey denselbigen verlauffen und zugetragen etgentliche Abriß und soviel muglich warhaffte Contrafacturen 2 Theile / durch Wilhelm Peter Zimmermann, Burgern zu Augspurg in Kupffer gradirt ... ; dazu auch die Historia der fürnehmbsten Händel desselbigen Kriegswesens durch Samuelem Dilbaum.
[13] For the most expansive fifteenth century example, see Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle, known as Schedelsche Weltchronik. Facsimile editions are now readily available, the most recent being, Hartmann Schedel, Weltchronik, ed. John Malalas, Johannes Thurn, Mischa Meier, Claudia Drosihn, and Stefan Priwitzer (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 2009).
[14] Michael Swift, Cities of the renaissance world: maps from the Civitates orbis terrarum (Edison, N.J.: Chartwell Books, 2008).
[15] Nearly impossible to find and rarely mentioned in the literature, this volume has not been published in facsimile form.
[16] This has not been published in facsimile, but a copy can be found in the Columbia Library Rare Books Collection under the call number B943.9 D577.  Wilhelm Dilich, Ungarische Chronica: Darinnen ordentliche, eigentliche und kurzte beschreibung des Ober- unnd Nider-Ungarn ... beschrieben (Cassel: Wessel, 1600).
[17] A difficult to find facsimile edition is available: Hieronymus Oertel, Chronologia oder Historische Beschreibung aller Kriegsempörungen und Belagerungen (Budapest: Pytheas Kiadó, 2002).
[18] For an English language discussion of the images see Ludá Klusáková, “Between reality and stereotype: town views of the Balkans,” Urban History 28, 3 (2001): 358-377. For the only in depth analysis of the contents and authorship see Ludá Klusáková, “Leidenský skicář: mĕsta podél cesty z Vídnĕ do Cařihradu (1577-1585),” Ars Bratislava, 1-3 (1999), 30-63.
[19] The illuminations, made strictly for the ruling classes, served to glorify battles and represent frontier regions of the empire.  K. Ebel argues for the collective use of these city views in works like Matrakci Nasuh’s chronicle of the military campaigns from 1543, the Süleymannâme, as representative of the empire as a whole, where constantly shifting borders made larger maps quickly obsolete. K.A. Ebel, "Representations of the frontier in Ottoman town views of the sixteenth century," Imago Mundi 60, 1 (2008): 1-22.
[20] György Kisari Balla, Törökkori várrajzok Stockholmban (Budapest: Kisari Balla Gy, 1996).
[21] More are likely in the Topkapi archives.



Saturday, June 4, 2011

Representing the Christians of Ottoman Europe: Self, Other, and the In-between in Sixteenth-Century Costume Books

The title of my MA paper at Rutgers was “Representing the Christians of Ottoman Europe:
Self, Other, and the In-between in Sixteenth-Century Costume Books.” Originally written for my course at the University of Pennsylvania in the Fall of 2010 with professor Larry Silver, I presented a version of this paper at the University of Kansas’ March 2011 graduate conference, Articulating Identity in Visual Culture. I also presented a more developed version of it at the Dialectics of Orientalism conference at the University of Illinois - Urbana-Champaign. Below I provide an extremely truncated introduction to the topic, works of art, and my arguments.

There are at least twenty known sixteenth century costume books in manuscript and print form devoted to representing the Ottoman Turks and life in their capital city of Constantinople.[1] As guides to the hierarchies of Ottoman society, these collections of images contain purportedly accurate depictions of the richly costumed and exotic sultans, their wives, various military divisions, and eunuchs, ranging to the more quotidian monks, cooks, street fighters, and lepers. Prior studies have made little attempt to explain the substantial number of Christians portrayed in these works. My research highlights their often neglected presence, suggesting that their existence complicates the Orientalist readings previous scholars pulled from these albums. I argue that artists depicted the ambiguous and hybrid identities of the Christians of Ottoman Europe with the same pictorial conventions as their Muslim and ethnically Turkish or Middle Eastern counterparts. Consideration of the ambiguous place of these Ottomanized Europeans as subject sheds new light on the costume book genre by deconstructing the dichotomy of East and West to explore the role of the in-between. From within this realm of the in-between, I focus in on a particular manuscript, whose Hungarian artist and patron make it a unique example of confusion in the self/other paradigm.
figure 1
Greek peasant farmer, Melchior Lorck, 1581, 
The Turkish Publication
Fischer catalogue #75
Corresponding text (1646 edition): 
Was massen die Griechischen Bauern, 
so Christen, zur Zeit, wan sie in Krieg ziehen sollen, 
sich beym Sultan prasentieren ” 
[The bulk of Greek farmers, as Christians, at present, 
when they should go to war with the 
Sultans against themselves
(i.e. against other Christians)]

Figure 2
Standing soldier, Melchior Lorck, 1576, 
The Turkish Publication
Fischer catalogue #38, 
Corresponding text (1646 edition): 
"Ein Sultanischer Kriegsmann, aus dene, so hin wider auf 
den Frontieren der Christenheit zerheilet" 
(A Sultan's soldier, like this against 
the frontier of the Christian Wars)

The similarities in their depictions question the assertions of backwardness and fundamental difference between the peoples of the “East” and the “Western” viewer discussed by previous scholars. A comparison between a turbaned Ottoman soldier (figure 1)[2] and a Greek Christian farmer (figure 2) from Melchior Lorck’s Turkish Publication reveals antiquities in decay serving as backdrops for both figures. The Christian peasant farmer stands on the ground, the crumbling past of ancient knowledge and beauty embodied in the jagged stump of an obelisk with a threatening crack down its center. To his right, two dead branches and part of a third balance the composition. The turbaned staff bearer stands in controposto in a similarly dreary setting. Again on the right, another truncated obelisk can be seen, irreparably damaged with a crack down its center. In the distance another obelisk stands, perhaps awaiting its inevitable fate. To the figure’s left, situated along the horizon line, stands a single cylindrical tower with a hint of windows. In another comparison, the orderly urban landscapes behind both the emissary (figure 4) and Christian slave differ little from that behind an Ottoman Turkish archer (figure 6),[3]  and others like him. The Christian figures in the Lambert de Vos manuscript also have the same iconic and timeless qualities as their non-Christian counterparts. All figures are place into the same blank background, the ground line demarcated only by a light brown wash with various patterns to suggest changes in texture, such as the Janissaries, and the “Catholic from Pera or Galata.” These examples suggest that backgrounds are not the negative judgments against an static and iconic “other,” and a reading of outright Western subjugation of a lesser Eastern other is not visually supported. In addition to these explicitly identified Christians, I argue for a complication of the identities of an additional fifteen figures from Lorck and more than seven others from de Vos’ album, whose culturally ambiguous costume elements suggest a close connection with Ottoman European Christian identity. Those costume elements will be discussed in later blog entries. If I am correct, than over a quarter of both Lorck’s and de Vos’ works are devoted to representing the hybrid and fluid identities that were consistently muddled at the frontier.


When the in-between becomes artist and patron
The literature on costume books divides the twenty-one unique manuscripts produced before 1600[4] into two categories: a majority produced by Europeans for European audiences and four late sixteenth-century examples, produced by Ottomans for European audiences.[5] The possibility of objects falling somewhere between these categorizations, something previously not considered by scholars, is one I would like to explore in relation to a small costume album in Wolfenbüttel, which may embody the epitome of the complexities of in-between identities.[6]


Preserved in the Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel (206. Blankenburg), the manuscript measures 8 by 5 ½ inches and consists of thirty-three folios with fourteen miniatures separated by blank pages and two coats of arms with corresponding inscriptions in Latin and Hungarian. The crowded first folio contains the album’s original Hungarian dedication, which reads “This book was written in Constantinople, at the gate of captain Ali Pasha, under the hand of Csöbör Balázs of Szigetvár in fifteen seventy,”[7] and above the coat of arms, with the same hand but in Latin, “This book is mine, Laurence Gosztonyi.”[8] The coat of arms and two texts are each individually framed by a simple gold and black border with breaks to accommodate the text of the Latin inscription, suggesting the text was written before the border was drawn. The first letters of both inscriptions are enlarged, with the Latin “I” drawn in a foliate flourish in a light ink wash that is echoed in four leaves drawn in lightly above the text. At the top of the page in a different hand with darker ink is the date 1579. That same hand also wrote the initials “WG” and “SG” on either side of the coat of arms, drawn on top of the border surrounding the original text along with the name “Georg Portlusz” also drawn on top of the border. The last bit of text is the black ink inscription at the bottom of the page commemorating the acquisition of the volume by a Rudolf Ludany on the fourth of January, 1709.   Folio three contains the coat of arms of another owner of the small volume, identified in script underneath the shield as Abraham Phendler, with the date of 1579 running across the banderole on top. Below the image are the words “Dr. Hainzico Pilgrum amiciiae ergo, Vienna Austria 6 Marty.”
 Ferenc Szakály, who published a facsimile of this small manuscript with introductory notes, operates under the assumption (while acknowledging it as such) that the inscription on the first folio identifies Csöbör Balázs of Szigetvár as the artist.[9] Claus-Peter Haase suggested that a Hungarian possessor collected the contents of the binding as individual miniatures and empty folios for an anthology.[10] The term used to describe the act of creation in the dedication, “irratot,” is an antiquated past tense of the verb “to write.” It also has another connotation, not noted by Szakály and Haase, which involves the act of creating a work of folk art,[11] relating particularly to a type of weaving performed in Transylvania. This dual meaning, I suggest, reinforces the possibility that Csöbör Balázs of Szigetvár was the illuminator as well as compiler. The stylistic similarity of the miniatures further suggests that they were created by one hand and not compiled from various sources. Thus, the Hungarian artist identifies himself with the city of Szigetvár, taken by the Turks just four years before the date of the album in 1566, putting him at the center of this complicated Ottoman/European/Christian identity.
The fourteen framed miniatures are separated by blank marbled pages. Each figure stands facing right or left with a suggestion animation in their active hands, either tucked into awkwardly placed pockets near their lower abdomens, holding up their robes or skirts, or mindlessly fingering the fabric of their jackets. A majority of the figures are framed in a light blue background surrounded by a border identical to that on the first dedication page. The exceptions to this pattern are the horseman without a frame or background, and the final two figures whose green backgrounds’ uneven edges appear unfinished, leaving space for border of the earlier pages. The last image, a woman provocatively holding up her skirt to reveal her calves covered in sheer fabrics, is the only page with marbled red paper outside of her green background. The most highly decorated (folios 2 and 30) each contain a seated official accompanied by standing attendants set in richly illuminated interiors of patterned cloths, carpets, and walls. The first seated figure, clothed in sumptuous blue, red, and green fabrics with gold embroidery, sits directly on the ground, set against a simple geometric pattern of eight pointed stars topped by a geometric floral motif similar in shape, color and design to the motifs on contemporary non-figural Qurans. Standing to the right of the official are two janissaries in long red kaftans with gold belts and long horizontal hussar style buttons, one holding a sword, the other a lantern. The seated official fingers his blue overcoat with his left hand and rests his right on his knee.  The second illumination with an important seated figure set in an interior is on folio 30. Accompanied only by a eunuch, this man sits against a marbled background hung with drapery. He and his attendant stare off to the viewers left.  The remaining images depict a dervish, two dancers, a eunuch, and various military divisions. Stylistically, the figures are rendered in a precise and stylized manner characteristic of Ottoman miniatures from the period.
Though the images clearly fit into the Ottoman tradition, many questions remain regarding this manuscript, and its artist and patron. One particularly interesting detail is the text written onto the pages of a book held open in the left hand of the dervish on folio 22. In miniscule Arabic script, the individual words “Allah,” “Mehmed,” and “Ali” appear across from another page filled with an unintelligible jumble of Arabic letters.  It was typical of non-Muslims with a limited understanding of the Arabic language to pull entire words and random letters from various sources to lend their images authority and rarely, if ever, are there random jumbles of letters on works produced by artists situated well within the Ottoman artistic tradition. One possible explanation of this could be that the dervish is engaged in divination. Another curious aspect of the manuscript is the provocative nature of some of the hand gestures and clothing.  Despite being written off as an anomaly by the few scholars aware of it, the Wolfenbüttel album is one of the earliest extant costume books in manuscript form produced and consumed by the in-between Christians of Ottoman Europe.[12]
Self, Other, and the In-between in the Wolfenbüttel
If we are to accept that this manuscript was produced by Csöbör Balázs, an illuminator originating from the town of Szigetvár in the Kingdom of Hungary, and somehow finding his way in the Ottoman capitol of Constantinople, then these images take on new, context driven meanings. Csöbör Balázs becomes a center of the “locus and locution of cultures caught in the transitional and disjunctive temporalities”[13] of his age. He is first and foremost identifying himself as Hungarian through the written text on the frontispiece, using a vernacular language unintelligible to all non-Hungarians. His Hungarian-ness marks him as a citizen of a Catholic Kingdom. The original owner of this album, Laurence Gosztonyi, is also marked as a member of Hungarian and Latin Christendom by his Hungarian last name and his use of Latin, the official language of the courts and diplomats in Hungary. Following the textual identifications of the self, the illuminations would, under normal circumstances, be considered a representation of an “other:” non-Hungarians identified as such by their religiously and culturally predetermined costumes which mark their Muslim-ness and their place in the hierarchies of Ottoman society. But then, returning to the textual identification of the self and the historical context, the separation between self and other becomes displaced and dislocated, hovering in some unknowable and difficult to comprehend historical past. Csöbör Balázs identifies himself with the city of Szigetvár, a town now under the firm control of the Ottoman Empire and already years into its Ottomanization process.  He identifies his own current location as the city of Constantinople and his illuminations are very clearly in an Ottoman style that speaks to what was likely formal training in an illumination workshop.   He is at once a self, an other, and an in-between. A number of his illuminations might also share the same identity crisis. The Janissary, for example, may be seen in light of his past as a product of devşirme, a former Christian child slave from the provinces. Even the two illuminations of seated officials could potentially be seen as advanced products of the process of devşirme. The dancing women may be seen as objects of war booty. With these very real in-between identities in mind, the original owner of the album, Laurence Gosztonyi would have read the images in an entirely different and deeply personal way.
 I would like to suggest a reappraisal of identity in these works not as static polar opposites, or even on a sliding scale of East and West, but instead, in a three-dimensional scatter plot where nothing is fixed and everything hovers indefinitely, or, for the unfortunate, zooms around like an atom. The self, the other, and the in-between, become intertwined in the “timeless discourse of irrationality,”[14] which these costume books attempt to control, contain, and reappraise, sometimes misguidedly or incorrectly, but always through an ambiguous lens. Is it possible that the figures in these costume books were seen not only in terms of their current positions as members of Ottoman society, but also as former members of a European Christian society? The deli, former light cavalrymen from the border’s opposing army? The Janissaries, former tribute children? The dancers, recently collected entertainment from the provinces? How does this possibility inform our understanding of other costume books, particularly those manuscripts for whom a localization and provenance are unknown? While this hypothesis remains in the realm of speculation, owing to the ambiguity at the essence of sixteenth century Ottoman Christian identity, a steady subaltern whisper may in fact be emanating from the pages of the Wolfenbüttel manuscript and others like it.





[1] For a nearly complete list of costume books devoted to Ottomans in manuscript form from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries see the essay by Rudolf H. W. Stichel, “Das Bremer Albumn und seine Stellung innerhalb der orientalischen Trachtenbücher” [The Bremen Album and its place in the tradition of Oriental costume books], in Das Kostumbuch des Lambert de Vos [The costume book of Lambert de Vos], editor Hans-Albrecht Koch (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1991), 31-54. For a list sixteenth-century printed costume books, see the article by Joanne Olian, “Sixteenth Century Costume Books,” Costume 3 (1977): 20-48. For a list full list of sixteenth-century costume books devoted to representing the Ottomans known to this author, see Appendix A.
[2] Corresponding text (1646 edition):“Ein Sultanischer Kriegsmann, aus dene, so hin wider auf den Frontieren der Christenheit zerheilet“ [A Sultans soldier, like this against the frontier of Christian wars], Fischer catalogue #38.
[3] Corresponding text (Thesaurus 1688 edition): “Von den Janitscharen…“ [On the janissaries…]
[4] For a list see Appendix A.
[5] Schick 1999, 626.
[6] Ferenc Szakály, Szigetvári Csöbör Balázs török miniatúrái 1570 (Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó, 1983). It was also the topic of a paper given in 1991, though the author was unaware of the Hungarian volume at the time. For a summary of that paper see Claus-Peter Haase, “An Ottoman Costume Album in the Library of Wolfenbüttel, dated before 1579,” in 9th International Congress of Turkish Art: contributions vol. 3, ed. Nurhan Atasoy (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı, 1995), 225-228. A large set of folios preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale de France (7 4°) depicting Ottoman European Christians and Jews would also be useful in exploring in-between identities in the seventeenth century, a number are reproduced in Klára Hegyi and Vera Zimányi, The Ottoman Empire in Europe, (Budapest: Corvina, 1989).
[7] “Ez konw irattot KustanczŸ Napolban az kapitan AlŸ basa portaian Szigeth VarŸ Chiobor Balasnak keze altal ezor oth szaz hetuen,” folio 1. The date of 1570, then seems extremely reliable. Other later dates drawn in on the title page by later hands indicate transfers of ownership.
[8] “Iste liber pertinet ad me Laurentium Gozthony.”
[9] Szakály 1983, 7-9.
[10] Haase 1995, 226.
[11] The following definition appears in the Hungarian equivalent of the OED: Ferenc Pusztai, ed., Magyar értelmező kéziszótár (Buapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 2009), 576. The sixth definition given for the word írás is folk handwork, accessories decorated with lined patterns (“Nép kézmunka, dísztárgy vonalas mintájú diszítése,”). In some parts of Transylvania, the word is still used to describe the act of making traditional woven folk art.
[12] While I hesitate to use the term earliest because of its implications, the date in the dedication of 1570 makes it the earliest known in this format.
[13] Bhabha 2006, 360.
[14] Bhabha 2004, 204.


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